« Communism is proclaimed in Coahuila » – Vadim Damier

We are reprinting this from the journal « Latin American Historical Almanac » an article by the historian of anarchism V. V. Damier about the first proclamation of anarchist communism in history (Mexico, 1912).

The article deals with a little-known and little-studied episode from the history of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917, the proclamation of communism by anarchist guerrillas in the state of Coahuila in 1912. A brief but vivid history of the guerrillas, organized by the Magonists from the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM) at one of the key moments of the revolution, is considered in the context of the general role of the anarchist movement at various stages of the revolution in Mexico, of the evolution of its ideology, strategy and tactics. An attempt has been made to assess the significance of the events under consideration for the development of the anarchist movement across the world. PLM, led by brothers Riсardo and Enrique Flores Magon, was in 1906-1908 the first political force that launched a rebel movement against the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, and in 1910-1911 made a significant contribution to the overthrow of the regime. However, after this, the leadership of the Mexican Liberal Party officially switched to the position of anarchism, and its supporters tried to organize a guerrilla movement with the aim of carrying out a social revolution in Mexico. Although the PLM rebel forces were crushed by superior government forces in 1912, and many of their members were killed, the proclamation of anarchist communism by a group of guerrillas on February 9, 1912 in the Mexican state of Coahuila, one of the traditional areas of influence of the Magonists, was the first act of this kind in the history of the world anarchist movement and served as an example for anarchists in other countries.

In early 1912, thirteen revolutionaries from the United States crossed the Rio Grande and entered the Mexican state of Coahuila (1). They set out to fight under the red banner of the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM), an organization that was founded in 1901 and initially united supporters of various views—from liberals to anarchists—in the struggle to overthrow the dictatorship of Mexico’s President Porfirio Díaz. In 1906, the PLM’s Organizational Junta, led by brothers Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón, proclaimed a program for establishing a democratic regime in the country and implementing a series of social reforms for the benefit of the working classes, including the return of communal lands (ejidos) to the peasants, the distribution of unused lands to farmers, the establishment of an eight-hour workday, the prohibition of child labor, the introduction of a guaranteed minimum wage, the right to a day off, a system of pensions, and compensation for industrial accidents (2).

The party operated both clandestinely within Mexico and among Mexican workers in the United States, where the Organizational Junta was located in exile. Local groups of supporters of the newspaper « Regeneración, » published by R. Flores Magón and his comrades, were formed. Primitivo Gutiérrez, who now commanded the small group of insurgents, joined such a group formed by Mexican agricultural workers in Darkett, Texas, in May 1911 (3). In the Texas border town of Del Rio, Gutiérrez was regarded as the undisputed leader of the radical « Red » (Colorado) faction and managed to organize enthusiasts for an expedition across the border (4).

A correspondent for « Regeneración » reported from San Antonio, Texas, on February 15 that forces under Gutiérrez’s command had been operating in northern Coahuila since Friday, February 8. They had completely cut off the railroad connection between Torreón and Piedras Negras and were not subordinate to other opposition leaders (5).

According to historian Susan Pastor, Coahuila « provides a unique ground for studying the meaning of the Mexican Revolution. The third-largest state in Mexico, Coahuila was home to two of the most prominent figures of the revolution—Francisco I. Madero and Venustiano Carranza. In the late 19th century, Coahuila underwent rapid modernization and economic transformation, making the state a showcase of Porfirian Mexico. At the same time, this northeastern state clung to its federalist heritage by periodically asserting local autonomy and political independence in the face of Porfirian attempts at centralization. When the revolution developed in Coahuila, it represented two things: a popular reaction to economic modernization with its associated shifts and changes in the political system of Coahuila in response both to popular discontent and pressure from the central government » (6).

In the calculations and hopes of the PLM, Coahuila occupied a special place. The region was not accidentally considered one of the strongholds of the Magonistas: this was facilitated by both a favorable social and spiritual environment and its border location with the United States, where groups and cells of the party operated, capable of providing real help to the rebels. In Del Rio, Texas, located directly opposite the Mexican town of Las Vacas, was the regional headquarters of the party. The state was part of the PLM’s « third military zone, » which also included Tamaulipas, Zacatecas, Chihuahua, and Texas. Magonista clubs emerged in northern Coahuila, as well as in Torreón and Saltillo (7). The party enjoyed support among both the « middle classes » and among miners, factory, and agricultural workers. As early as 1906 and 1908, the PLM attempted to organize an insurgent movement against the Díaz regime in the state. The town of Las Vacas, which was attacked by its detachment in June 1908, is regarded by many as the « cradle of the Mexican Revolution » (8). Even after these early defeats, Magonista guerrillas continued to operate in the mountains in the north of the state (9).

By 1910, the PLM had significant influence in several areas of the state. According to the teacher Jesús Alfonso Arreola Pérez, « before the start of the revolution, the northern part of Coahuila was a staunch supporter of the Liberal Party. The central region, due to its ties with Nuevo León, sympathized with its governor Bernardo Reyes, the Northeast’s candidate to replace General Díaz. The Laguna region, for its part, declared itself an opponent of [Díaz’s] re-election, and Saltillo was under the strict supervision of the Federation authorities (…) All—liberals, Reyistas, anti-re-electionists—were united in one demand: to change the regime in the Republic » (10).

With the onset of the Mexican Revolution in Coahuila, where the impact of the economic crisis and unemployment was keenly felt, both Maderista and Magonista forces rose in rebellion (especially in the Laguna region and the north of the state). In fact, they operated in conjunction until the spring of 1911. However, by May, in Coahuila and Tamaulipas, Madero’s loyal forces under Pascual Orozco and Pancho Villa attacked the Magonistas in Coahuila and Tamaulipas (11).

The PLM and the armed insurgent groups it created played a prominent role in the fall of the « old regime, » despite ideological and political differences with the Maderistas. « The military participation of liberals in the revolution between November 1910 and May 1911 is probably one of the least studied aspects of the Mexican Revolution, » notes historian Rubén Trejo. « Between November 1910 and February 1911, the Magonistas (…) helped maintain the momentum of the revolution by providing it with weapons and people and achieving victories on the battlefield. From February to May 1911, the Maderistas and Magonistas achieved important victories » (12). Acting independently, PLM armed groups, with the help of volunteer workers from the United States and other countries (mainly of socialist, syndicalist, and anarchist leanings), controlled much of the Mexican state of Baja California from January to the end of June 1911, where they proclaimed social reforms in the spirit of the 1906 program: the introduction of an eight-hour workday and a guaranteed minimum wage, three free meals a day for workers at the expense of employers, the promise to transfer expropriated agricultural equipment and land from estates to landless Indians for collective cultivation and distribution of products according to family needs, the arming of Indian communities, and a call for peons to arm themselves and seize the land they cultivate (13).

However, by April 1911, the situation began to change. The PLM’s Organizational Junta reminded people that, in its opinion, the revolution in Mexico was not political but social and anti-capitalist in nature, and that the struggle in the country was between two classes—the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The organization declared that it sought to liberate the workers by their own efforts, through direct action and with weapons in hand, by rejecting « sacred » private property and eliminating any domination over people. « The Mexican Liberal Party is fighting to overthrow the dictator Díaz not to replace him with a new tyrant. The Mexican Liberal Party is participating in the current uprising with the clear and firm goal of expropriating land and the means of production to transfer them to the people, that is, to each and every inhabitant of Mexico, regardless of gender. » The Madero Party, according to the PLM manifesto, advocates for a « bourgeois republic, » is « purely political and capitalist, » and is the « enemy of the PLM » (14). The Magonistas refused to recognize Madero’s authority, and forces loyal to him began to try to disarm them; soon armed clashes broke out between them. The situation worsened further after the fall of the Díaz regime: the Organizational Junta and the PLM refused to recognize the transfer of power and to lay down their arms. In June 1911, Maderista troops defeated the Magonistas in Baja California. During the first phase of the revolution, according to historian John Hart, PLM forces were « pushed into the shadows and outmaneuvered by Madero » (15).

The Magonistas attempted to resist. By July 1911, their forces were active in at least the states of Durango, Coahuila, Chihuahua, Sonora, Veracruz, Tamaulipas, and Baja California (16). However, they were beset by attacks from all sides. Ultimately, the Mexican Liberal Party itself split. Its moderate wing and several leaders and field commanders chose to collaborate with the new regime. A parallel PLM was organized in Mexico. Meanwhile, the revolutionary wing led by R. and E. Flores Magón now openly declared an anarchist program. On September 23, 1911, the Organizational Junta published a new manifesto, intended to replace the 1906 program as outdated and no longer relevant.

In this document, the organization expressed its commitment to « the high ideals of political, economic, and social liberation, » which would end the struggle of « man against man, » stemming from the principle of private property and economic inequality. The elimination of this principle would mean « the destruction of all political, economic, social, and moral institutions » that stifle « free initiative and free association » and force people, for survival, into fierce competition with one another. The winners in this competition are not the most capable but the most cunning, selfish, heartless, and willing to do anything for their own benefit (17).

Alongside property, the PLM also rejected the state. « Without the principle of private property, there will be no reason for the existence of government, » since it is necessary only to prevent the dispossessed from rebelling and rising against those who have appropriated all the goods of life, stated the manifesto. There would also be no reason for the existence of the church, which likewise seeks to stifle the free and rebellious human spirit. « The grim trinity » of capital, authority, and clergy has turned Earth into a true hell. Humanity has split into « two social classes with diametrically opposed interests »—the class of capitalists, the haves, and the class of workers, who possess only their hands and minds. Between these two classes, « there can be no bonds of friendship and brotherhood (…)” (18).

The PLM declared that all people, by the very fact of birth, have the right to use all available and society-produced goods and must work for the life of the individual and society as a whole, and that the right to private property is unjust. « The Mexican Liberal Party recognizes that Power and Clergy serve as the supports for the injustice of Capital, and thus the Organizational Junta of the Mexican Liberal Party has solemnly declared war on Power, war on Capital, war on the Clergy, » raising the red flag against the « militant bourgeoisie »—the supporters of Madero, Reyes, Vásquez Gómez, and other groups and factions. Urging Mexicans not to obey these factions and not to listen to them, the anarchists of the PLM called on the country’s workers to mass seizures and expropriations « from below » of land and all goods, without waiting for any decrees and orders « from above »— »as our brothers, the inhabitants of Morelos, southern Puebla, Michoacán, Guerrero, Veracruz, northern Tamaulipas, Durango, Sonora, Sinaloa, Jalisco, Chihuahua, Oaxaca, Yucatán, Quintana Roo, and other states, have done and are doing » (19).

However, the manifesto went on to say, one should not limit oneself to the seizure of land alone—it is necessary for workers to take control of all industrial enterprises where they work. « Land, mines, factories, workshops, foundries, carriages, railways, ships, all types of warehouses, and houses must be placed at the disposal of each and every inhabitant of Mexico, without distinction of gender. »

The PLM urged peasants not to divide the land, but to cultivate it collectively and to share its fruits collectively, and to do the same in industrial enterprises. Each person would be free to choose the type of work to which they have abilities and inclinations, and the branch of industry in which they will be engaged. The inhabitants of each region would need to agree among themselves so that everyone has access to these resources and goods, to accurately assess the production capabilities and needs of each and everyone, and to begin the appropriate regulation of production « from below, » based on fraternal and solidary agreements. « Everything that is produced will go to the community’s common warehouse, from which everyone will have the right to TAKE EVERYTHING THEY NEED, ACCORDING TO THEIR NEEDS, » provided they present a certificate proving that they are engaged in socially useful work (20).

In other words, the goal was to establish anarchist communism as understood in anarchist theory and described, for example, by P. A. Kropotkin in his work The Conquest of Bread. « Few still do not know that the revolutionary movement initiated by the Mexican Liberal Party in September 1906 and continuing to this day is a movement of an economic character and increasingly oriented towards a specific goal: communism, » wrote Ricardo Flores Magón in February 1912 (21).

Following the slogan « The emancipation of the workers must be the work of the workers themselves, » the Magonistas focused on revolutionary self-activity of the masses « from below. » Therefore, Regeneración published reports from various parts of Mexico about instances of insurgency, rebellion, attacks on estates, and expropriations of land and property, regardless of which rebels or insurgents were involved. Moreover, the newspaper repeatedly issued a call to « rebels fighting under any banner. » They were urged to immediately shoot any leader or commander who, in the areas where their units operated, did not allow the poor to take from stores, warehouses, and granaries what they needed and hindered workers from seizing land and production equipment. The text ended with the slogan: « To expropriation! » (22)

Grassroots spontaneous uprisings and rebellions indeed spread across much of Mexico in late 1911 and early 1912. The PLM assured readers in its newspaper that a social revolution was brewing in the country (23), but by this time, after defeats, splits, financial difficulties, and persecution in the United States, it was too weak to exert significant influence on this spontaneous movement. The organization sent emissaries to the regions, attempting to smuggle weapons from the United States into Mexico. Weapons were critically scarce, and recommendations were even made to infiltrate other insurgent groups to obtain and carry off arms (24). Nevertheless, the Magonistas continued to try to expand their guerrilla movement. In the spring of 1912, small groups of PLM insurgents operated in the states of Coahuila, Sonora, Baja California, Jalisco, Tamaulipas, Nayarit, Michoacán, Tlaxcala, Zacatecas, and Guanajuato (25), as well as in the mountains of Chihuahua (26).

After the fall of Díaz, PLM forces in Coahuila continued the struggle, relying on bases in the Sierra del Burro mountains in the northern part of the state. They conducted periodic raids on ranches and haciendas, promising land to the peons and peasants and often distributing part of the spoils to the workers, explaining that the owners had no right to have more than they did (27). In July 1911, the commander of a detachment of 280 men operating in the Sierra del Burro, Emilio P. Campa, engaged in a battle with federal troops but then made an agreement with the new authorities and disbanded his fighters (28). As Regeneración later wrote, he « betrayed our cause, » and after him, the guerrilla movement in this area was led by miners José Álvarez and Miguel Ramos (29). They « preached the doctrine of expropriation in haciendas and ranches, calling on the peons to take into their own hands the goods accumulated by the bandits Madero, González Treviño, and Bortoni » (30). Moreover, the Magonistas and other radicals began to be listened to in other areas of the state where they previously had no influence, such as La Laguna, and the new authorities began to persecute agitators in the spirit of the former Díaz regime, fearing that they posed a threat of « socialist revolution » (31).

From late May 1911, Coahuila was governed by Venustiano Carranza, the future leader of the constitutionalists and president of Mexico (32). His administration pursued a moderate policy. Carranza did not take steps to implement agrarian reform or return communal land to the peasants, but he did meet some of the demands contained in popular petitions, such as ordering landlords to share water with the peasants, seeking more favorable conditions for Mexico in agreements with foreign concessionaires, reducing tax privileges for entrepreneurs and landlords, supporting demands for the taxation of mining companies, and the abolition of the practice of forcing workers to buy goods in company stores, aiding in the resolution of labor disputes, taking measures to improve sanitation and hygiene, and supporting rural schools and teachers (33). At the same time, he had no hesitation in suppressing radical actions and was not inclined to support strikes against Mexican entrepreneurs. Notably, in December 1911, Carranza authorized merchants in Sierra Mojada to form volunteer units against striking workers (34).

Peace in the state never came. Amid economic difficulties, popular unrest continued, strikes flared up, attacks on estates occurred, and factional struggles unfolded among the victors.

In the fall and winter of 1911, reports in the press indicated that guerrilla supporters of the PLM had established a headquarters in southwestern Coahuila, near Torreón, briefly seizing the towns of Jimulco and Nazareno, attacking ranches and estates (Picardias, Juan Eugenio, etc.), and capturing warehouses and property (35). There were also spontaneous peasant uprisings, which the authorities and the press labeled as « hordes of bandits »; to suppress these uprisings, the authorities sent rural police, the « rurales. » For instance, on the La Paz hacienda near Torreón, a crowd of peons surrounding the estate was dispersed by gunfire, yet another group of insurgents appeared between Torreón and Trinidad (36). Several ranches were attacked in Santa Teresa. A group of rebels attacked the Jimulco station and completely emptied the warehouse. Clashes occurred on the Ornos hacienda (Viesca district) and in Torreón itself (37). Near the state capital of Saltillo, in Ramos Arizpe, a group of 800 insurgents with two mountain guns was active; another group of 200 rebels revolted at the Jaral hacienda and then attacked the Ipolito railway station, where other guerrillas joined them (38). About 50 people stormed the « Mineral de los Azules » mine near Parras de la Fuente and took a ransom from the owners (39).

At the end of 1911, a general strike broke out in Torreón, involving carpenters and joiners, painters, masons, bakers, and other professions. The total number of strikers reached seven thousand; additionally, they were joined by three thousand workers from Gómez Palacio in the neighboring state of Durango, as well as workers in Lerdo, and later, domestic servants. It was reported that frightened bourgeois were fleeing the city and surrounding areas in panic. The central government sent troops to the striking cities; in Gómez Palacio, a demonstration of strikers was dispersed with machetes (40). In early 1912, there were reports of a strike by builders at the « Banco de la Laguna » building in Torreón: the strikers armed themselves to prevent strikebreakers from entering the construction site (41). Workers at the Madero family enterprises in Parras walked off the job, set fire to factories, and looted the city outskirts, using dynamite sticks; the enterprise owners fled to Texas. The protesters threatened to burn down the former Madero home; rebels from the city marched towards Torreón. During the uprising at the Palao mine near Sabinas, five people were killed; the mine was looted (42).

Riots and attacks on estates and businesses continued into the first winter weeks of 1912. About 30 insurgents attacked the Santa Fe ranch and expropriated weapons, horses, goods, and some money. Around 20 mounted rebels, led by Cipriano Sanchez, stormed into San Carlos, shouting « Long live Zapata! Death to Madero! » The PLM was convinced that, in the face of the uprisings spreading in Coahuila, the Mexican government was planning to seek military assistance from the United States (43). Near Torreón, insurgents made a failed raid on the La Joya hacienda. At the Sauseda hacienda near Musquiz, clashes occurred between insurgents and police; there were dead and wounded. It was believed that workers from five nearby mines had joined the rebels. The Ornos estate, the Coyote ranch near Sabinas, the San José, La Soledad, and Cobian haciendas, as well as haciendas in the vicinity of Allende, were seized and looted. Uprisings broke out in Cerro Prieto; the rebels intended to join forces with insurgents from Ornos and head to Jimulco. « All the haciendas around Torreón, Coahuila, have been attacked by numerous guerrillas operating in this region, » Regeneración reported, adding, citing the American press, that the entire Laguna area in southern Coahuila on the border with Durango « is completely under the control of the insurgents, » who are demanding the surrender of Torreón. In the city itself, fighting also broke out, claiming dozens of lives (44).

The political situation in the state also remained extremely unstable. In December 1911, General Bernardo Reyes, a former secretary of the Díaz regime for army and navy affairs who had subsequently joined the opposition but now refused to recognize Madero’s election as president, attempted an invasion of Coahuila; his supporters continued insurgent actions in the northern part of the state. In the spring of 1912, supporters of Pascual Orozco, who had also raised the red banner, revolted, and some former Magonistas (José Inés Salazar, Emilio P. Campa, etc.) joined them (45). In the Laguna area, Benjamín Argumedo also rebelled, supporting Orozco…

The Magonistas, dissatisfied with the Madero regime, decided to take advantage of the situation. By January 1912, Texas Rangers were reporting that armed groups of PLM supporters were crossing the Rio Grande and driving away cattle and horses (46). And in early February, the Gutiérrez detachment’s campaign began.

On February 9, 1912, having set up camp on Mexican territory near Las Vacas (now Ciudad Acuña) on the Rio Grande, the insurgents issued the following declaration:

« To the People of Coahuila »

Primitivo Gutiérrez, on behalf of the Mexican Liberal Party and as a representative of the liberal revolutionary forces in the state of Coahuila, announces:

1. The governmental authority of the traitor Francisco I. Madero, the courts, and legislative chambers are not recognized.
2. The Constitution and all laws issued up to this point are repealed.
3. The right to private property, the foundation of capitalism and all tyranny, is abolished.
4. The large estates of Coahuila, such as San Carlos, Maravillas, La Babia, Ornos, etc., will be worked collectively, with the land and tools of production being socialized for communal production and consumption.
5. Factories, workshops, mills, and factory buildings are transferred to the ownership of the workers, as well as mines and all industries.
6. Railways, trams, wagons, automobiles, and other means of transport are declared the property of the entire community.
7. The right to collect rent in villages and cities for urban real estate is abolished. These properties remain at the disposal of those who occupy them.
8. Temples of any cult remain closed until the community decides how to use them.
9. The banner of the revolution is the red flag, with the words embodying the ideals of the Mexican proletariat: « Land and Liberty, » written in white letters.
10. Communism is proclaimed in Coahuila, and we fully support the Manifesto issued by the Organizing Junta of the Mexican Liberal Party in Los Angeles, Cal[ifornia], United States of America, on September 23, 1911.

LAND AND LIBERTY

Operational Camp in Las Vacas, Coahuila, February 9, 1912

Primitivo Gutiérrez

Deputies: Marcos Vela, Luz Mendoza, Eulogio M. García, Ines Olivares » (47).

Simultaneously, Gutiérrez’s detachment called upon the population of Coahuila to take up arms. He declared that « the Madero government has proven to be an obstacle to the happiness of the people and nations, » just like the governments of « the tyrannical Porfirio Díaz and the interim cleric Francisco L. de la Barra. » The reason for this, according to the insurgents, was that any rulers are « merely tools of the capitalists, » intended to « keep the working masses in poverty, ignorance, and slavery. » The Coahuila guerrillas distanced themselves from other opposition movements (supporters of B. Reyes, E. Vásquez Gómez, P. Orozco, and others) and promised to fight under the red banner to achieve the ideals of « Land and Liberty » and the manifesto of September 23, without aspiring to occupy any government posts, as they are convinced of « the failure of governmental institutions in the lives of the people. » González and his comrades called on workers and peasants to quit their jobs, revolt, and join their ranks, in which there are no leaders, but all are equal. The appeal ended with slogans: « Forward, comrades! The liberal forces will place at your disposal the haciendas on which you work, the houses you rent, the mines where you labor, in short—everything. Enough of private property! Down with the capitalist system! Death to the rich! Death to the dwarf Madero! Long live the Mexican Liberal Party! Long live Land an d Liberty! » (48)

PLM enthusiastically welcomed the beginning of a new phase of the guerrilla movement in the state, placing their hopes on a general turning point in the revolutionary struggle. « Finally, our people have caught their breath, » commented the newspaper Regeneracion on the news from Coahuila. « With the spread of the movement everywhere, they can now fight with greater advantage, for they are not the only ones who must resist the fierce attacks of Madero’s supporters. Today, in Michoacán, Guanajuato, Colima, Durango, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Zacatecas, in all these places, our forces are regaining their positions. (…) The best days await our cause! Perseverance, comrades! » (49)

Several subsequent issues of the newspaper were filled with reports of uprisings and rebellions across the country, although the editorial staff complained about poor communication with Mexico due to destroyed communication lines and severed telephone wires. « The reports we receive this week about the activity of purely libertarian groups operating in northern Coahuila, central Chihuahua, the Laguna region, Durango, and Zacatecas are very vague. We only know what the bourgeois press of Mexico City reports. From the state of Tlaxcala, where purely libertarian groups are active, very vague reports are coming in, which are published by the bourgeois newspapers, » admitted Regeneracion on March 2, 1912 (50). Nevertheless, even these fragmentary and scattered pieces of information, unfortunately not systematically organized in PLM’s print organ, allowed for a rather impressive picture to be formed. As for Coahuila, the names of dozens of estates stormed and burned by the insurgents appear on the pages of the Magonist publication. It was noted that the insurgents, whose detachments reached dozens or even hundreds of people, swiftly moved on horseback, seizing horses and weapons, looting warehouses of goods and supplies, and distributing them to local poor, who often joined them. Similarly, the guerrillas stopped and robbed trains, stormed and burned railway stations, destroyed railroad tracks, disrupting transportation and hindering the transfer of troops and « rurales. » Battles between insurgents and government forces took place in various locations—even near Torreón and the state capital, Saltillo. In some cases, the insurgents managed to temporarily capture larger settlements, such as Viesca and Matamoros, the latter of which was stormed by former strikers from Torreón. According to the reports, most of the rebels acted completely independently, although in the south of the state, in the area of Torreón and Laguna, there were Vázquez supporters, and sometimes the cry « Long live Zapata! » was heard. In the north, various groups of revolutionaries (in Allende, Sabinas, and the town of Coahuila) existed, and the PLM guerrilla movement was developing. As Regeneracion reported, in the Rio Grande district, the estates of landowners Fuentes García, Guillermo Purcell, and Graciano Bertoni were looted and burned by « comrades operating in this area. » A wool warehouse worth 50,000 pesos was also burned. At one point, the city of Piedras Negras found itself under siege… (51)

Primitivo Gutiérrez’s guerrilla force was not the only anarchist detachment operating in northern Coahuila. On March 9, 1912, insurgents led by Álvarez and Ramos, who had camped in Paso del Moro, addressed the Mexicans. The guerrillas also declared that they were fighting against capital, power, and the clergy, adhering to the principle of direct action, and struggling to win bread, land, and freedom for all producers—men, women, the elderly, and children. « We are not fighting to elevate anyone to the presidency; we are fighting to be free, » proclaimed Panfilo Vásquez, J. E. Álvarez, and their deputies Miguel Ramos and Baudelino Garza Gutiérrez. Expressing their commitment to the September 23 Manifesto, they called on the workers to revolt under the slogans: « No more bosses! No more exploiters! No more political functionaries! » (52)

On March 28, 1912, a group led by Calisto Guerra-Chico issued an appeal to the Mexicans from a camp near Las Vacas. They explained that the struggle was ultimately for the « right to live » and that attempts to obtain anything from the « wealthy class and government » peacefully and without violence were futile because the demands of the poor were not heeded by anyone. « We are here, in the field of action, to fight the bourgeoisie, and as soldiers of equality, we are going to destroy all privileges and reject any authority. We are going to abolish slavery, both economic and political (…) We are going to expropriate, and we call on all our brothers in need and suffering to do the same. We are going to tell the workers to seize everything, to work and consume collectively as brothers, without recognizing any authority…, » declared Calisto Guerra-Chico, Hilario de Hoyos, and Julio Barrera. They specifically urged people not to support any political parties or groups vying for power (53).

In early April 1912, Regeneracion noted that from the moment the PLM forces entered the Rio Grande district in early February, « the Federals did not dare confront them, despite the fact that the number of libertarians was quite limited. With complete freedom of action, our forces were able to propagate our ideals among the region’s peasants, whom they urged to seize the haciendas and ranches, whose account books and other papers were turned to ashes, and the supplies were made available to the workers » (54).

Military forces, led by former PLM members Ildefonso Vasquez and Calisto Guerra (not to be confused with Calisto Guerra-Chico!), were brought in to suppress the anarchist guerrillas in the Las Vacas-Del Rio area (55). But dealing with them proved to be no easy task. According to Regeneracion, in early March, Guerra’s punitive detachment of 25 men attacked « a part of the column operating in the Rio Grande district, Coahuila, under the leadership of comrade Primitivo Gutierrez, » but was met with bullets and dynamite sticks, and after losing three men, retreated to Piedras Negras (56). The fight against the anarchists was further complicated by the fact that the government also had to deploy army units to suppress the Orozco and Vasquez Gomez uprising, whose supporters operated in the southern part of the state. Thanks to the transfer of federal troops, the authorities managed to stabilize the situation somewhat in the Torreón area. However, about 4,000 insurgents continued to operate in the Laguna area, attacking ranches and estates (57).

On March 31, the first truly large battle took place between the anarchist guerrillas and government forces. It ended in a complete victory for the insurgents. The battle, which took place between the San Gregorio and La Parida ranches, involved about 200 federal troops under the command of Ciriaco Guerra and 65 guerrillas. It lasted from three in the afternoon until nightfall. After intense gunfire, the government forces fled in disarray to Las Vacas, leaving behind weapons, ammunition, food, horses, and even their sombreros on the battlefield. The insurgents lost four men, including Teodoro Chavez and Pedro N. Ortega. Following this, Primitivo Gutierrez demanded the surrender of the town of Las Vacas, from which the authorities and the local bourgeoisie fled to the American city of Del Rio (58). Upon entering Las Vacas, the guerrillas captured several American businessmen and « stripped them down to their pants » (59).

The anarchists were unable to hold the town given the existing balance of forces. In April, Las Vacas became a stronghold for military operations against the guerrillas. On May 11, 1912, Regeneracion reported, citing correspondence from the Mexican newspaper El Imparcial from Langtry, Texas, dated April 24, about a battle that took place between federal forces sent from Las Vacas and PLM insurgents in the San Agustin Canyon in the Sierra del Burro mountains. The guerrillas operating in the Rio Grande area once again forced the troops to retreat to the approaching reinforcements (60). In addition, 15 miles from Las Vacas, in the Garza-Galán area, the insurgents attacked the N. Sombrano ranch and took everything they could. Later, a group of foreign businessmen was attacked between Las Vacas and Sierra del Burro, leading to a note from the United States to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Forces of Calisto Guerra and later Ildefonso Vasquez were sent from Las Vacas to pursue the rebels, but they managed to escape. El Imparcial claimed that the guerrilla group initially consisted of 14-15 men but then grew to 60. Citing its reporters, the newspaper reported that « in some parts of the state of Coahuila, socialism sui generis has appeared » (61).

In April, the head of the department in Múzquiz reported that he had managed to defeat a group of Magonistas at the Encino-Solo ranch. Near the city of Piedras Negras, a clash occurred between a unit of « rurales » and 30 guerrillas, resulting in 12 losses among the former, while four of the insurgents were killed and four were wounded. In Sierra Mojada, a group of 40 PLM supporters attacked ten gendarmes, but they managed to break out of the encirclement; according to the authorities, the guerrillas lost four men. On May 1, the military command reported that the Magonistas continued to operate in the northeastern Sierra del Burro, but government forces « were pursuing them. » The Mexican consul in Del Rio informed that PLM members were transporting military supplies through Dryden to those fighting in the Sierra del Burro… (62).

Regeneracion responded enthusiastically to the new reports of their supporters’ actions, which it called a « triumph. » « (…) Let us convey our applause to the worthy comrades who risk their lives for the working class, » commented Ricardo Flores Magón. « These comrades from the Rio Grande district deserve admiration because they fought almost continuously, yet with good results so far, despite the overwhelming number of troops attacking them » (63). The comrades dealt Calisto Guerra, Ildefonso Vasquez, and other « minions » of Madero « one defeat after another in almost daily battles, » almost always forcing them to retreat to Las Vacas « without choosing a road, in clothes torn by thick bushes into which they blindly ran, without weapons, horses, and sometimes even without their sombreros, » Enrique Flores Magón rejoiced (64).

However, these successes were apparently the last for the Magonist guerrillas. The state was flooded with troops engaged in fierce battles with the forces loyal to Pascual Orozco. Meanwhile, the Orozquistas managed to seize the initiative from the PLM supporters and harness the masses’ protest sentiments to their cause. They operated in the same areas as the anarchist guerrillas, pushing them to the sidelines. Weapons and manpower were catastrophically lacking. PLM and Regeneracion suffered from a disastrous lack of funds; they had to collect donations to cover the newspaper’s deficit. The situation was further exacerbated by the need to focus efforts on fighting the prosecution of the members of the Organizational Junta in the United States, where they were accused of « violating neutrality, » that is, of interfering in Mexico’s affairs from U.S. territory. On June 25, 1912, R. Flores Magón, E. Flores Magón, Librado Rivera, and Regeneracion editor Anselmo L. Figueroa were sentenced in Los Angeles to 1 year and 4 months in prison, and a movement for their release began (65).

Due to increased border control by the United States, it became increasingly difficult for Mexican revolutionaries to deliver aid to their fighting comrades. One example of such difficulties was reported by Regeneracion in the fall of 1912: PLM member Amado E. Garza from Del Rio was arrested by U.S. marshals on suspicion that he was carrying « weapons for the social revolution »; the weapons and vehicle were confiscated (66).

The pressure on the anarchist guerrillas intensified. On July 26, 1912, superior government forces, under the cover of night, attacked a group of eight insurgents in the mountains. Among them were miners José Álvarez, Miguel Ramos, Refugio Ortiz, and five peons. The guerrillas were asleep, preparing to move toward Múzquiz the next day; caught by surprise, they had no time to resist and were killed (67). In October-November, it was the turn of other groups. Primitivo Gutiérrez’s group was defeated, and he himself perished. The arrested members of his guerrilla, Panfilo Vasquez, Anacleto Vasquez, Victor Cardenas, and Juan Guerrero were imprisoned in Saltillo, where they were interrogated to testify against Calisto Guerra Chico as one of the leaders (68). This marked the end of the anarchist guerrilla movement in Coahuila…

The last attempt to organize anarchist insurgency in Mexico during the revolution was the story of the so-called « Texas Martyrs. » Events in the country took another sharp turn in February 1913 with the overthrow of Madero and the establishment of the reactionary regime of General Victoriano Huerta, who in 1912 commanded government troops fighting Orozquistas in Coahuila and other areas of northern Mexico. The PLM, sympathetic to the struggle of the southern insurgents led by Emiliano Zapata, sought to negotiate cooperation with them. In March-April 1913, PLM representatives José Guerra and Jesús María Rangel conducted negotiations at the Zapatista headquarters. After returning to the United States, Rangel formed a group in Texas intending to fight in Mexico (69). On September 11, while on their way to the Mexican border near Carrizo Springs, the group was attacked by Texas Rangers, who killed the sentry Silvestre Lomas, but were themselves captured. The insurgent leader José Guerra shot the spy Candelario Ortiz but released the remaining prisoners in exchange for a promise to leave the guerrillas alone. However, the next day, the group was attacked by superior forces of the Rangers. During the firefight, Regeneracion staff member José Rincon was killed. The remaining members of the group were captured, tried, and sentenced to long prison terms of up to 99 years (70). The only woman in the group was Luz Mendoza, a longtime PLM activist who in 1906 was elected vice president of the « Mexican Liberal Club » in Smithville, Texas, organized the party-affiliated group « Redención » in Harlingen, Texas, and in June 1911 participated in the defense of Cañón de la Espada in Coahuila under the leadership of Emilio Campa. On February 9, 1912, she, along with Primitivo Gutiérrez, signed the famous declaration of the proclamation of communism in the state of Coahuila (71). Her participation in the 1913 group can be considered a sort of epilogue to the story of the anarchist guerrilla movement in Coahuila in 1912…

The proclamation of anarchist communism by the Magonistas in Coahuila in 1912 is often considered a minor and insignificant episode—at best, a curiosity (72) or a kind of future agenda that anarchists intended to implement after establishing control over a region (73). In historical studies dedicated to the Mexican Revolution or Magonism, this event is only briefly mentioned, with the exception of a work published in 2021 by Luis Olvera, whose second chapter on the « unknown revolution » (« ¡El intento de liberar a un pueblo! La revolución desconocida: Las Vacas, Coahuila, 1912 »), written mainly from Regeneracion materials, is specifically devoted to the events in Las Vacas (74).

However, it appears that the significance of the actions of the Coahuila guerrillas goes beyond mere curiosity or a simple declaration of intent. Indeed, they did not possess a territory where they could establish prolonged and permanent control, set up organs of popular self-government, and fully implement their program by transferring enterprises to workers’ control. They only managed to carry out acts of expropriation and equitable distribution of land and food, viewed as a first step toward organizing life on new foundations (as outlined, for example, in the famous book by P. A. Kropotkin The Conquest of Bread, which was known not only to Mexican anarchists but also to Emiliano Zapata). Nevertheless, the Las Vacas declaration of February 9, 1912, attracted attention at the time within the global anarchist movement for a reason (75). A tourist guidebook to Ciudad Acuña mentions that in this city « Primitivo Gutiérrez, an anarchist, was the first in the Mexican Republic to proclaim communism » (76). However, in reality, this was the first proclamation of libertarian communism not only in Mexico but also in the world. Twenty years later, in 1932, this example was first followed by Spanish anarcho-syndicalists who briefly took control of the Catalonian mining region of Upper Llobregat, and then this model of action spread throughout Spain, reaching its climax during the Spanish Revolution of 1936.

Примечания:

(1)  See: Flores Magón R. Obras completas. Vol. IX. Regeneración (1912). México D.F., 2014. P. 376.

(2) Program text see : Idem. Programa del Partido Liberal y Manifiesto a la nación. México D.F., 1992.

(3) Idem. Obras completas. Vol. IX. Regeneración (1912). P. 376.

(4) Pasztor S. B. The Spirit of Hidalgo: The Mexican Revolution in Coahuila. Calgary; East Lansing, 2002. P. 82.

(5) La Bandera Roja // Regeneración. 17 de febrero de 1912. No. 77. P. 3.

(6) Pasztor S. B. Op. cit. P. XIII.

(7) Ibid. P. 46.

(8) Medina Zapata J. J. Acuña: historia y progreso. Saltillo, 2016. P. 23.

(9) Pasztor S. B. Op. cit. P. 48. For more information on the activities of the PLM in Coahuila before the 1910–1917 revolution see : El magonismo en Coahuila / Introducción y selección de J. Miguel Flores. Saltillo, 2006.

(10) Quoted from »: Martínez Sánchez L. El centro de Coahuila, Monclova durante la Revolución 1910­-1920. Saltillo, 2011. P. 22.

(11) Bartra A., Barrera J. La revolución magonista (Cronología narrativa). México, 2018. P. 212.

(12) Trejo R. Magonismus: Utopie und Praxis in der Mexikanischen Revolution 1910­-1913 / Übersetzt von M. Schwarzbach. Lich, 2006. S. 49.

(13) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 191, 213­-215.

(14) Manifiesto A los Trabajadores del Mundo // Regeneración. 8 de abril de 1911. No. 32. P. 1.

(15) Hart J. M. Anarchism & The Mexican Working Class, 1860­-1931. Austin, 1987. P. 101.

(16) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 248.

(17) Manifiesto: La Junta Organizadora del Partido Liberal Mexicano al Pueblo de Mexico // Regeneración. 23 de septiembre de 1911. No. 56. P. 1.

(18) Ibidem.

(19) Ibidem.

(20) Ibidem.

(21) Flores Magon R. La Cuestion Social en México // Regeneración. 10 de febrero de 1912. No. 76. P. 1.

(22) See, например: A los Rebeldes // Regeneración. 24 de febrero de 1912. No. 78. P. 1.

(23) See : Flores Magon E. Notas de la Revolucion Social Mexicana // Regeneración. 27 de enero de 1912. No. 74. P. 2; Idem. La Revolucion Social Ha Cundido por Toda la Republica // Regeneración. 17 de febrero de 1912. No. 77. P. 2; и т.д.

(24) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 263­-264, 266­-268.

(25) Trejo R. Magonismus. S. 177­-179.

(26) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 296. For more information on the PLM guerrilla activities in these states in 1912, see : Trejo R. Magonismo: utopía y revolución. 1910­-1913. Barcelona, 2010. P. 214­-217.

(27) Pasztor S. B. Op. cit. P. 82.

(28) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 249.

(29) Araujo A. de P. ¡Mueran los leaders! // Regeneración. 12 de octubre de 1912. No. 111. P. 1.

(30) La carniceria del 26 de Julio // Regeneración. 5 de octubre de 1912. No. 110. P. 2. Álvarez worked for over 10 years in coal mines in the American state of Oklahoma.

(31) Knight A. The Mexican Revolution. Vol. 1. Porfirians, Liberals and Peasants. Cambridge, 1986. P. 281.

(32) Carranza, who held the position of Minister of War in Madero’s revolutionary government, headed the administration of Coahuila from May to August 1911. He then formally transferred power to the interim governor, R. Cepeda, and was elected governor in September of the same year. Officially assuming office in November 1911, he remained in this position until March 1913.

(33) On the reforms implemented by Carranza in Coahuila, see.: Pasztor S. B. Op. cit. P. 73­-75.

(34) See : Katz F. The Life and Times of Pancho Vila. Broadway, 1998. P. 200.

(35) See : Flores Magon E. ¡Paso a los Pobres! Abajo los Ricos! // Regeneración. 30 de septiembre de 1911. No. 57. P. 1­-2; Idem. ¿Ois? Es la Revolucion Que Avanza // Regeneración. 11 de noviembre de 1911. No.63. P. 2.

(36) Idem. Madero, escoge entre “Ipiranga” y horca // Regeneración. 2 de diciembre de 1911. No. 66. P. 2.

(37) Idem. Animo, Camaradas; La Revolucion Avanza // Regeneración. 23 de diciembre de 1911. No. 69. P. 2.

(38) Idem. La Rebelion se extiendepor toda la Republica // Regeneración. 25 de noviembre 1911. No. 65. P. 2; Idem. ¡Muera el asesino Fransisco I. Madero! // Regeneración. 9 de diciembre de 1911. No. 67. P. 2.

(39) Idem. Reyes se “raja”; Pero la Revolucion sigue su curso // Regeneración. 6 de enero de 1912. No. 71. P. 2.

(40) Idem. La Rebelion se extiendepor toda la Republica. P. 2; Idem. Madero, escoge entre “Ipiranga” y horca. P. 3/

(41) Idem. La Angustia de Madero no tiene limites // Regeneración. 10 de febrero de 1912. No. 76. P. 2.

(42) Idem. La Revolucion Social Ha Cundido por Toda la Republica. P. 2.

(43) Idem. La Angustia de Madero no tiene limites. P. 2.

(44) Idem. La Revolucion Social Ha Cundido por Toda la Republica. P. 2­-3.

(45) Salmerón Sanginés P. Los rebeldes contra la revolución: Los disidentes agrarios de 1912 // Disidencia y disidentes en la historia de México / Ed. F. Castro, M. Terrazas. México, 2003. P. 337, 341. Supporters of the PLM Organizational Junta distanced themselves from former comrades. For example, they referred to Inés Salazar as a « traitor to her class. »; See : Flores Magon E. Notas de la Revolucion // Regeneración. 20 de abril de 1912. No. 86. P. 2.

(46) Raat W. D. Revoltosos: Mexico`s Rebels in the United States, 1903­-1923. College Station, 1981. P. 240.

(47) Al Pueblo de Coahuila // Regeneración. 17 de febrero de 1912. No. 77. P. 1.

(48) ¡A las Armas! // Regeneración. 17 de febrero de 1912. No. 77. P. 3.

(49) La Bandera Roja // Regeneración. 17 de febrero de 1912. No. 77. P. 3.

(50) La Bandera Roja en Accion // Regeneracion. 2 de marzo de 1912. No. 79. P. 1.

(51) See : Flores Magon E. Notas de la Revolucion // Regeneracion. 24 de febrero de 1912. No. 78. P. 2­-3; Idem. Revolucionarios // Regeneracion. 2 de marzo 1912. No. 79. P. 2­-3; Idem. Proletarios // Regeneracion. 9 de marzo de 1912. No.80. P. 2­-3.

(52) Proclama // Regeneración. 16 de marzo de 1912. No. 81. P. 1.

(53) Proclama: Mexicanos // Regeneración. 6 de abril de 1912. No. 84. P. 3.

(54) Flores Magon R. La Bandera Roja Triunfadora // Regeneración. 6 de abril de 1912. No. 84. P. 1.

(55) Pasztor S. B. Op. cit. P. 83.

(56) Flores Magon E. Notas Rojas // Regeneración. 16 de marzo de 1912. No. 81. P. 2.

(57) Idem. ¡Viva la Violencia! // Regeneración. 23 de marzo de 1912. No. 82. P. 1­-3.

(58) Flores Magon R. La Bandera Roja Triunfadora. P. 1; Idem. La Bandera Roja // Regeneración. 13 de abril de 1912. No. 85. P. 1.

(59) Flores Magon E. Accion Proletaria // Regeneración. 13 de abril de 1912. No. 85. P. 2.

(60) Flores Magon R. La Bandera Roja // Regeneración. 11 de mayo de 1912. No. 89. P.1.

(61) Quoted from »: Flores Magon E. Notas de la Rebelion // Regeneración. 11 de mayo de 1912. No. 89. P.1.

(62) Trejo R. Magonismo. P. 213­-214.

(63) Flores Magon R. La Bandera Roja // Regeneración. 11 de mayo de 1912. No. 89. P.1.

(64) Flores Magon E. Notas de la Rebelion // Regeneración. 11 de mayo de 1912. No. 89. P.1.

(65) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 285.

(66) See: Araujo A. de P. Atentados // Regeneración. 23 de noviembre de 1912. No. 117. P. 3.

(67) La carniceria del 26 de Julio…

(68) See : Ulloa B. Revolución Mexicana. 1910­-1920. Mexico, 1963. P. 167, 173.

(69) Bartra A., Barrera J. Op. cit. P. 297­-301.

(70) Abad de Santillan D. Ricardo Flores Magón: El Apóstol de la Revolución. Buenos Aires; La Plata, 2011. P. 115­-116. The group of partisans included members such as American Industrial Workers of the World member Charles Klein, Eugenio Alsalde, Abraham Cisneros, Lino Gonzalez, Domingo R. Rosas, José Ángel Serrano, Miguel P. Martinez, José Gonzalez, Leonardo I. Vasquez, Pedro Perales, Lucio R. Ortiz, Bernardino Mendoza, and Luz Mendoza.

(71) See : Flores Magón R. Obras completas. Vol. XI. Regeneración (1915). México D.F., 2015. P. 196; Hernández S. For a Just & Better World: Engendering Anarchism in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900­-1938. Champaign, 2021. P. 162­-163.

(72) « »Described as a ‘romantic experiment that remained only a memory for the residents of Acuña,’ the proclamation of anarchist communism is mentioned in Mexican tourist material; see: Ciudad Acuña, Coahuila [Electronic resource]. URL: https://www.turimexico.com/estados-de-la-republica-mexicana/coahuila-mex… (Accessed: June 27, 2024). »

(73) See, например: Amador Turcios C. El anarquismo mexicano visto a través de Regeneración, 1910­-1918. Tesis que para optar por el grado de Maestra en Filosofía / Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Programa de Maestría y Doctorado en Filosofía. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. México D.F., 2014. P. 237.

(74) See: Olvera L. La revolición social en el norte de México y las comunas anarquistas del Partido Liberal Mexicano 1911­-1915. México, 2021.

(75) The information was published in various libertarian publications. See, for example:: Une proclamation communiste // Le Libertaire. Paris, 16 mars 1912. No. 21. P. 2; « Proclamation of Communism in the State of Coahuila // Molot. Organ of the Free Socialists Group. Paris, 1912. No issue number; and others. »

(76) See : Medina Zapata J. J. Acuña: libro-guía de turismo. México, 2020.

PUBLISHED in :
Damye V.V. « Communism is Proclaimed in Coahuila: An Episode from the History of the Mexican Revolution (1912) » // Latin American Historical Almanac. 2024. No. 42. pp. 30-59.

https://ahl.igh.ru/issues/32/articles/309

References

Abad de Santillán D. Ricardo Flores Magón: El Apóstol de la Revolución. Buenos Aires; La Plata, 2011.

Amador Turcios C. El anarquismo mexicano visto a través de Regeneración, 1910-1918. Tesis que para optar por el grado de Maestra en Filosofía / Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Programa de Maestría y Doctorado en Filosofía. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. México D.F., 2014. 

Bartra A., Barrera J. La revolución magonista (Cronología narrativa). México, 2018. 

Ciudad Acuña, Coahuila [Электронный ресурс]. URL: https://www.turimexico.com/estados-de-la-republica-mexicana/coahuila-mexico/ciudades-de-coahuila/ciudad-acuna-coahuila/ (Date of inquiry: 27.06.2024)  

El magonismo en Coahuila / Introducción y selección de J. Miguel Flores. Saltillo, 2006.

Flores Magón R. Obras completas. Vol. IX. Regeneración (1912). México D.F., 2014.

Flores Magón R. Obras completas. Vol. XI. Regeneración (1915). México D.F., 2015.

Flores Magón R. Programa del Partido Liberal y Manifiesto a la nación. México D.F., 1992.

Hart J. M. Anarchism & The Mexican Working Class, 1860-1931. Austin, 1987.

Hernández S. For a Just & Better World: Engendering Anarchism in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900-1938. Champaign, 2021. 

Katz F. The Life and Times of Pancho Vila. Broadway, 1998.

Knight A. The Mexican Revolution. Vol. 1. Porfirians, Liberals and Peasants. Cambridge, 1986.

Martínez Sánchez L. El centro de Coahuila, Monclova durante la Revolución 1910-1920. Saltillo, 2011. 

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Olvera L. La revolución social en el norte de México y las comunas anarquistas del Partido Liberal Mexicano 1911-1915. México, 2021.

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Raat W. D. Revoltosos: Mexico`s Rebels in the United States, 1903-1923. College Station, 1981. 

Salmerón Sanjinés P. Los rebeldes contra la revolución: Los disidentes agrarios de 1912 // Disidencia y disidentes en la historia de México / Ed. F. Castro, M. Terrazas. México, 2003. P. 321-350.

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