L’Alliance Mamo (Premières Nations) organise le blocage de routes forestières pour contester le projet de loi 97 de refonte du régime forestier. Les tensions sont exacerbées entre manifestant.es autochtones et travailleurs forestiers (allochtones). Perspective du Collectif anarchiste Emma Goldman de la région du Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean.
The connections between the Chicago anarchists and the Metis rebellion may seem like historical footnotes. Indeed, they have been largely overlooked. However, they should be viewed as integral parts of anarchist praxis at the time and reveal more deep understandings of the importance of Indigenous land defense within active working-class anarchist circles than is sometimes assumed.
Le 1er mai 2018 à Jakarta, un gros black-bloc va affronter la police. Un poste de police est incendié. 69 personnes sont arrêtées et une forte répression anti-anarchiste va suivre, orchestrée par le gouvernement central avec l’appui des religieux musulmans et du principal syndicat indonésien. Rebelotte le 1er mai 2019, dans un contexte électoral, dans plusieurs grandes villes du pays. Cette fois, le pouvoir sort la carte du complot fomenté par des agitateurs étrangers que seraient les anarchistes et l’Association Internationale des Travailleurs (et travailleuses). Des arrestations ont lieu aboutissant à de lourdes peines de prison et des tortures.
The military attempts to ‘green’ itself! This is done by powering military facilities, weapons and, together, operations on lower-carbon infrastructures, such as solar panels, wind turbines, hydroelectric power and biofuels. This has been recognized as an attempt at powering “sustainable violence,” to operate domestic and overseas military operations on supposedly lower-carbon energy sources than fossil fuels. Lower-carbon power sources, however, as documented in Oaxaca, Mexico, also end with grabbing Zapotec and Ioot lands to build wind turbines and solar farms to power US military operations overseas, such as in the Middle East.
Mientras que los anarquistas participaban activamente en la defensa y la organización interna de la Comuna de Paris, Marx escribía que añoraba el aplastamiento de la comuna y la entrada triunfal del ejército germano, por qué esto significaba el triunfo de sus ideas sobre las de Proudhon.
Históricamente Marx y sus discípulos dan empleo de la fragilidad y moldeabilidad a conveniencia de su decálogo ideológico posicionándose contra sus “principios” cada vez que lo veían conveniente. Hay que recordar cuando Lenin lanza su “el Estado y la revolución” que para atraer simpatizantes hace una falsa convergencia con los anarquistas. Se sabe de sobra en que termino esto…
Todas estas tendencias, desde el mutualismo al anarquismo sin adjetivos, han luchado precisamente contra el capitalismo, por ser este el principal enemigo de los derechos de las clases trabajadoras, su explotador: el enemigo a vencer.
Commonism reclaims that which should be shared as integral to communism. Commoning moves against capital’s spatial conquest — its conquest of means of survival — first and foremost, land. Commoning poses a terrain of struggle for transforming social reality against capitalist enclosure and accumulation and beyond it to a world of solidarity and mutuality.
There has been something of a revival of anarcho-syndicalist theory and practice in so-called Canada. The formation of the Salish Sea Anarcha Network (SSAN) has brought together syndicalists across unceded territories which make up the city of Vancouver. Here’s an overview of some early work and interviews with SSAN participants. They provide analysis of important contemporary issues like relationships with the land, centering Indigenous solidarity, and developing green syndicalist practice — all in a context where active anarcho-syndicalist organizing has largely been absent for a long time.
Après plus de 40 ans de rencontres, de résistances et de luttes, le lieu a besoin d’amour… et de rénovations.
Nous lançons une campagne pour amasser 50 000 $ afin de restaurer ce lieu emblématique et continuer à faire vivre cette mémoire collective et militante.
Mujeres Libres had little time to turn its vision into reality, so we cannot know how much they might have accomplished. Nor, so far as I can tell, did they have a clear formula for how to make it all work. But their own organization was a federation of autonomous local groups; and the relationship they wanted (but could not have) with the larger anarchist movement was also that of an autonomous set of units operating within the larger, federated, whole. Perhaps that model (and a sense of anarchist commitments to direct action and spontaneous organization) can provide us with some clues.
liberté ouvrière 